[Kool Guy]

The Road To Independence

The British had emerged as the dominant force in South Asia. Their rise to power was gradual extending over a period of nearly one hundred years. They replaced the Shariah by what they termed as he Anglo-Muhammadan law. English became the official language. Thes and other developments had great social, economic and political impact especially on the Muslims of South Asia.

The failure of the 1857 War of Independence had disastrous consequences for the Muslims. Determined to stop such a recurrence in future, they followed deliberately a repressive policy against the Muslims. Properties and estates of those even remotely associated with the freedom fighters were confiscated and conscious efforts were made to close all avenues of honest living for the Muslims.

Indian Reaction to Britishers

The Muslims kept themselves aloof from western education as well as government service. But their compatriots, the Hindus, did not do so. They accepted the new rulers without reservation. They acquired western education, imbibed the new culture and captured positions hitherto filled in by the Muslims. If this situation had prolonged, it would have done the Muslims an irrepairable loss. The man to realise the impending peril was Sir Syed Ahmed Khan (1817-1898), a witness to the tragic events of 1857. His assessment was that the Muslims' safety lay in the acquisition of western education and knowledge. He took several positive steps to achieve this objective. He founded a college at Aligarh to impart education on western lines. Of equal importance was the Anglo-Muhammadan Education Conference, which he sponsored in 1886, to provide an intellectual forum to the Muslims for the dissemination of views in support of western education and social reform. Similar were the objectives of the Muhammadan Literary Society, founded by Nawab Abdul Latif (1828-93), but its activities were confined to Bengal.

Sir Syed Ahmed Khan was averse to the idea of Muslims participation in any organised political activity which, he feared, might revive British hostility towards the Muslims. He also disliked Hindu-Muslim collaboration in any joint venture. His disillusionment in this regard primarily stemmed from the Urdu-Hindi controversy of the late 1860s when the Hindu enthusiasts vehemently championed the cause of Hindi in place of Urdu. He, therefore, opposed the Indian National Congress, when it was founded in 1885, and advised his community to abstain from its activities. His contemporary and a great scholar of Islam, Syed Ameer Ali (1849-1928), shared his views about the Congress, but he was not opposed to Muslims organizing themselves politically. In fact, he organized the first significant and purely communal political body, the Central National Muhammadan Association. Although its membership was limited, it had above fifty branches in different parts of the subcontinent and it accomplished some solid work for the educational and political uplift of the Muslims. But its activities waned towards the end of the 19th century.

All-India Muslim League

At the dawn of the 20th century, a number of factors convinced the Muslims of the need to have an effective political organization. One of the factors was the replacement of Urdu by Hindi in the United Provinces. The creation of a Muslim province by partitioning the Province of Bengal and the violent resistance put up the Hindus against this decision was another. But the most important factor was the proposed consititutional reforms. The Muslims apprehended that under such a system they would not get due representation. Therefore, in October 1906, a deputation comprising 35 Muslim leaders met the Viceroy at Simla and demanded separate electorates. Three months later, the All-India Muslim League was founded at Dhaka mainly with the object of looking after the political rights and interests of the Muslims. The British conceded separate electorates in the Government of India Act of 1909 which confirmed League's position as an All-India Party.

Hindu-Muslim Relations

The visible trend of the two major communities going in opposite directions caused deep concern to leaders of all-India stature. They struggled to bring the Congress and the Muslim League on one platform. Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah (1876-1948) was the leading figure among them. After the annulment of the partition of Bengal and the European powers' aggresive designs against the Ottoman empire and North Africa, the Muslims were receptive to the idea of collaboration with the Hindus. The Congress-Muslim League rapporchement was achieved at the Lucknow session of the two parties in 1916 and a joint scheme of reforms was adopted. In the Lucknow Pact, the Congress accepted the principle of separate electorates and the Muslims in return for 'weightage' to the Muslims of the Muslim minority provinces agreed to surrender their slim majorities in the Punjab and Bengal. The post-Lucknow Pact period witnessed Hindu-Muslim amity and the two parties came to hold their annual sessions in the same city and passed resolutions of similar content.

The Hindu-Muslim unity reached its climax during the Khilafat and the Non-cooperation Movements. The Muslims of South Asia, under the leadership of Ali Brothers, Maulana Muhammad Ali and Maulana Shaukat Ali, launched the historic Khilafat Movement after the First World War to protect the Ottoman empire from dismemberment. Mohandas Karamchand Ghandhi (1869-1948) linked the issue of swaraj (or self-government) with the Khilafat issue to associate the Hindus with the Movement. The ensuing Movement was the first country-wide popular movement. Although the movement failed in its objectives, it had far-reaching impact on the Muslims of South Asia. After a long time they forged a united action on a purely Islamic issue which created momentarily solidarity among them. It also produced a class of Muslim leaders experienced in organizing and mobilizing the public. This experience was of immense value to the Muslims during the Pakistan Movement.

The collapse of the Khilafat Movement was followed by the period of bitter Hindu-Muslim antagonism. The Hindus organized two highly anti-Muslim movements, the Shudhi and the Sangathan. The former movement was designed to convert Muslims to Hiduism and the latter was meant to create solidarity among the Hidus in the event of communal conflict. In retaliation, the Muslims sponsored the Tabligh and Tanzim organizations.

Muslim Demands

In the 1920s the frequency of communal riots was unprecedented. In the light of this situation, the Muslims revised their constitutional demands. They now wanted preservation of their numerical majorities in the Punjab and Bengal; separation of Sind from Bombay; constitution of Baluchistan as a separate province and introduction of constitutional reforms in the North-West Frontier Province. It was partly to press these demands that one section of the All-India Muslim League cooperated with the Statutory Commission sent by the British Government, under the chairmanship of Sir John Simon in 1927. The other section of the League boycotted the Simon Commission for its all-white character and cooperated with the Nehru Committee to draft a constitution for India. The Nehru Report had an extremely anti-Muslim bias and the Congress leadership's refusal to amend it disillusioned even the moderate Muslims.

Several leaders and thinkers having insight into the Hindu-Muslim question proposed separation of Muslim India. However, the most lucid exposition of the inner feelings of the Muslim community was given by Allama Muhammad Iqbal (1877-1938) in his presidential address to the All-India Muslim League at Allahabad in 1930. He proposed a separate Muslim state at least in the Muslim majority regions of the north-west. Later on, in his correspondence with Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, he included the Muslim majority areas in the north-east also in his proposed Muslim state. Three years after his Allahabad address, a group of Muslim students at Cambridge, headed by Chaudhry Rahmat Ali, issued a pamphlet Now or Never in which, drawing letters from the names of the Muslim majority regions they gave the nomenclature of Pakistan to the proposed state.

Round Table Confrences & Elections

Meanwhile, three Round Table Conferences was convened in London during the period 1930-32, to resolve the Indian constitutional problem. The Hindu and Muslim leaders could not draw up an agreed formula and the British Government had to announce a 'Communal Award' which was incorporated in the Government of India Act of 1935. Before the elections under this Act, the All-India Muslin League, which had remained dormant for some time, was reorganised by Muhammad Ali Junnah, who had returned to India in 1935 after a self imposed exile of nearly five years in England. The Muslim League could not win a majority of Muslims seats since it had not yet been effectively reorganised. However, it had the satisfaction that the performance of the Indian National Congress in the Muslim constituencies was bad. After the elections, the attitude of the Congress leadership was arrogant and domineering. The classic example was its refusal to form a coalition government with the Muslim League in the United Provinces. Instead it asked the League leaders to dissolve their parliamentary party in the Provincial Assembly and join the Congress. Another important Congress move after the 1937 elections was its Muslim mass contact movement to persuade the Muslims to join the Congress and not the Muslim League. One of its leaders, Jawaharlal Nehru, even declared that there was only two forces in India, the British and the Congress. All this did not go unchallenged. Quaid-i-Azam countered that there was a third force in South Asia constituting the Muslims. The All-India Muslim League, under his gifted leadership, gradually and skilfully started to consolidate the Muslims on one platform. It did not miss to exploit even small Congress mistakes in its favour.

[Kool Guy]

The Road To Independence

Muslim Nationalism

The 1930s saw realization among the Muslims of their separate identity and their anxiety to preserve it within separate territorial boundaries. An important element that brought this simmering Muslim nationalism in the open was the charater of the Congress rule in the Muslim minority provinces during 1937-39. The Congress policies in these provinces hurt Muslim susceptibilities. These were calculated aims to obliterate the Muslims as a separate cultural unity. The Muslims now abandoned to think in terms of seeking safegaurds and began to consider seriously the demand for a separate Muslim state. During 1937-1939, several Muslim leaders and thinkers inspired by Allama Iqbal's ideas, presented elaborate schemes of partitioning the sub-continet on cummonal lines. The All-India Muslim League on March 23, 1940, in a resolution at its Lahore session, demanded separate homeland for the Muslims in the Muslim majority regions of the subcontinent. The resolution was commonly reffered to as the Pakistan Resolution.

The British Government recognized the genuineness of the Pakistan deman indirectly in the proposals for the transfer of power which Sir Stafford Cripps brought to India in 1942. Both the Congress and the All-India Muslim League rejected these proposals for different reasons. The principle of secession of Muslim India as a separate dominion was, however, conceded in these proposals. After the failure, a prominent Congress leader, C. Rajagopalachari, suggested a formula for a separate Muslim state in the Working Committee of the Indian National Congress, which was rejected at the time but later on, in 1944, formed the basis of the ****hi-Jinnah talks.

The Pakistan demand was popularised during the Second World War. Every section of the Muslim community - women, students, Ulema and businessmen - was organised under the banner of the All-India Muslim League. Branches of the party were opened in the remote corners on the subcontinent. Literature in the form of phamphlets, books, magazines and newspapers was produced to explain the Pakistan demand and distributed largely.

Faliure of Hindu-Muslim Negotiations & Elections

The support gained by the All-India Muslim League and its demand for Pakistan was tested after the failure of the Simla Conference 1945. Elections were called to determine the respective strength of the political parties. The Muslim League swept all the thirty seats in the central legislature and in the provincial elections also its victorywas outstanding. After the elections, on April 8-9, 1946, the All-India Muslim League called a convention of the newly elected League members in the central and provincial legislatures at Dehli. This convention which constituted virtually a representative assembly of the Muslims of South Asia, on a motion by the Chief Minister of Bengal, Hussein Shaheed Suhrawardy, reiterated the Pakistan demand in clearer terms.

British Efforts to Break Deadlock

In early 1946, the British Government sent a Cabinet Misiion to the subcontinet to resolve the constitutional deadlock. The Mission conducted negotiations with various political parties but failed to evolve an agreed formula. Finally, Cabinet Mission announced its own plan which, among other provisions, envisaged three federal groupings, two of them comprising the Muslim majority provinces, linked at the Center in a loose federation with three subjects. The Muslim League accepted the Plan, as a strategic move, expecting to achieve its objective in a not-too-distant future. The Congress also agreed to the Plan but soon realising its implications to the Congress, its leaders began to interpret in a way not visualised by the authors of the Plan. This provided the All-India Muslim League an excuse to withdraw its acceptance of the Plan and the party observed August 16 as a 'Direct Action Day' to show Muslim solidarity in support of the Pakistan demand.

In October 1946, an Interim Government was formed. The Muslim League sent its representatives under the leadership of its General Secretary, Mr. Liaquat Ali Khan, with the aim to fight for the party objective from within the Interim Government. After a short time the situation inside the Interim Government and outside convinced the Congress leadership to accept Pakistan as the only solution of the communal problem.

Independence

The British Government, after a last attempt to save the Cabinet Mission Plan in December 1946, also moved toward a plan for the partition of India. The last British Viceroy, Lord Louis Mountbatten, came with a clear mandate to draft a plan for the transfer of power. After holding talks with political leaders and parties, he prepared a Partition Plan for the transfer of power which, after its approval by the British Government, was announced on June 3, 1947. Both the Congress and the Muslim League accepted the plan. Two largest Muslim Majority provinces, Bengal and Punjab was partitioned. The assemblies of west Punjab, East Bengal, and Sind; and in Baluchistan, the Quetta Municipality and the Shahi Jirga voted for Pakistan. Referenda were held in the North-West Frontier Province and the District of Sylhet in Assam which resulted in an overwhelming vote for Pakistan. On August 14, 1947, the new state of Pakistan came into existance.

[Kool Guy]

Pakistan In Early Days

Euphoria fades
The new nation of Pakistan began its journey from independence riding a ground swell of public support. in this too, my findings contradict the conventional narrative in Bangladesh history books. Bengali scholars argued that although the Urdu speaking group was very pleased with the turn of events, Bengalis knew from the very beginning that things would not go their way. The stories I collected paint a different picture. Just as Ansar Ali asserted that no Muslim from his generation could truthfully claim they were not pro-ML at the time, the interviews make it clear that in 1948 at least, it was impossible not to feel buoyant about the new state. MSI, who later was branded as a collaborator for his role in 1971, recollects: "I was standing on this brick road, what they called a herringbone road, because that was how the bricks were arranged. And on that day, I was so happy, I looked up at the sky, and made a small prayer: 'Allah, please don't let this country go into the hands of the mullahs.'"

So optimistic was the mood, that even the Urdu speaking "outsiders" who came to from India were welcomed by local residents. What is equally remarkable about the early years of Pakistan is how quickly this euphoria faded. Several factors contributed to this, of which the most unexpected was the sudden death of Jinnah, his terminal condition being something that he had kept secret until his dying day. Following the loss of the Qaid i Azam (father of the nation), came the mysterious assassination of his successor, Liaqat Ali Khan. In contrast with India's relatively stable two decades of rule by Nehru, Pakistan got off to a very bumpy start.

In spite of the political upheavals in the beginning, there were many economic opportunities in the new state. At least in the initial years, there was such a dearth of qualified Muslims, every person with even a high school degree was guaranteed a choice assignment. Gradually though, a pattern emerged and it became clear that the dominant group was, and would continue to be, Urdu speakers who had migrated to Pakistan from India (primarily from Bihar and Uttar Pradesh)-- popularly known as the mohajirs. Bengali historians in the 1960s ascribed this imbalance to a systematic bias against Bengalis. However, my travels and interviews in Karachi made it clear that there were other explanations for this imbalance. The mohajirs often came from villages where they had left everything behind, and had often been witness to large-scale carnage. For these people, there really was no looking back-- Pakistan was the promised land. Because of the Darwinian self-selection that went into the migration process, these migrants came to Pakistan with an incredible amount of drive and desire to succeed. Generally, the people that chose to migrate also had a high level of education. Sakr Khanu Badruddin Lakhani, a Karachi resident and migrant from Bihar, described how her mother already had a Bachelors' degree-- a highly unusual achievement for a woman in 1944.

One other, more controversial aspect of the mohajir success story is their alleged aptitude for business. Many of the mohajirs had been wealthy in India, and managed to bring a large portion of their savings with them. These savings were often seed money for new ventures in Pakistan. Prior business connections also helped them to win the confidence of government institutions. At the same time, Bengali historians assert that, the mohajirs received biased treatment when applying for loans and permits. In response to this, the otherwise even-handed Hasan Zaheer states in The Separation of East Pakistan: The rise and realization of Muslim Bengali nationalism: "The fact of the matter was that the Bengali middle classes had failed to take advantage of the tremendous opportunities offered by the departure of Bengali Hindu businessmen. They failed to exert themselves to learn new trades, and did not develop entrepreneurial flair as the locals and migrants from India did all over West Pakistan. There was no indigenous capital or enterprise in East Pakistan to set up industries or take over the trade." Mr. G Inam owned the largest construction company in East Pakistan, but lost everything after 1971 when he had to migrate to Karachi. He explained his own success as the result solely of hard work: "Nobody handed me anything. I came over to what is now Bangladesh, and I had a burning desire to succeed. I did everything I could to get to that objective, but I had to work hard for it." Although these arguments made a strong case that the mohajirs were "more talented and entrepreneurial" than the Bengalis, Professor Mojaffar Ahmed added a different angle to this debate when he reminded me that Bengali businessmen could often not even get a permit if they did not have Urdu-speaking partners. Clearly hard work was important, but belonging to a group perceived to be "business-minded people" did not hurt either.

[Kool Guy]

Pakistan in Early Days

The language movement
The 1952 language riots, protesting the imposition of Urdu as the only state language, were of pivotal importance in Pakistan's early trajectory. Coming only four years after independence, the incident revealed deep contradictions lying underneath the surface of the new state. The attempt to impose Urdu as the state language in order to foster solidarity resulted in quite the opposite. The action was a major b****er because it alienated even the most die-hard Pakistan and ML supporter. Because Urdu was only spoken by 4% of the general population, the incident revealed a streak of blatant favoritism. That people like Mofaxxal Haider Chowdhury would be furious over the incident was no surprise, since his specific field of study was Bengali. But the move alienated even those who saw Pakistan as a "savior" to Muslims of the subcontinent. Jubeida Khatoon entered the new state with great enthusiasm. Particularly in light of her horrific experience during the Calcutta riots, she was quite inclined to accept many government impositions as "necessary" for unity. But even she declared that, the move to ban Bengali was a mistake on the government's part. Clearly, the planners had thought that casting Urdu as an Islamic language would be sufficient to convince people of the necessity of one state language. But their calculations overlooked the incredible importance of language and culture for the middle class Bengali-- of whom, a large portion in 1952 were Muslims who had stayed on in Pakistan.

The language riots served as the first indication of bubbles of discontent that were beginning to surface in East Pakistan. However, in their desire to present a smooth narrative of continuous Bengali resistance to central hegemony, Bengali historians stress that, since 1952, Bengalis have simply been more and more aware of their deprivation. leading logically to the events of 1971. In fact, my research revealed that, although there was immense anger at the time of the actual riots, once the state language ordinance was repealed, much of this hostility dissipated. 1952 was pivotal in two ways: firstly because a conflict based on issues of language helped Bengali Muslims to start differentiating themselves from the other Muslims who were fellow Pakistanis. Secondly, it gave Bengalis their first taste of street power, where demonstrations alone were enough to reverse an edict that was one of Jinnah's last wishes before dying. This feeling of empowerment was to have ominous impact on the military dictatorship of Ayub Khan in the future.

Martial Law
Following a tumultuous decade of civilian rule, the military dictatorship of Ayub Khan took over in 1958. Army rule, with all its oppressive trappings, had significant impact on the situation in East Pakistan. Firstly, the Punjabi elite of the army displaced the mohajir from their lofty positions in the civil bureaucracy and the business community. This meant that, the already negligible Bengali share of the pie shrunk even further. In addition, the Punjabi military rulers took a very hostile approach to the Bengali middle class. To Ayub Khan and others like him, the Bengali middle class, with its pride in education and gentle manners, was the antithesis of the practical warrior code of life that the army was now bringing to Pakistan. Conflict was frequent in the ten years of Ayub's rule. Aminul Kawser Dipu tells this striking anecdote, which illuminates the air of distrust that prevailed on both sides; "I was in the train station, waiting for something. Now, at that time, I am a thin boy, very slight in build. There was a convoy getting on the train, and they were very smartly marching onto reserved carriages. Anyway, I soon lost interest in them and went over to the platform. I was doing something, don't remember, perhaps looking inside the carriages, when suddenly I feel something on my back. Next thing I know, I am lying on my back on the other side of the platform, staring as one convoy marches away. Apparently what happened was, I was in the way of one group marching along. So the company leader just picked me up and threw me to the side. I am so young, and yet I remember, right then and there, I developed pure hatred for these bloody Urduwallahs. Is this any way to treat a human being? I knew then, it was impossible to live with them."

[Kool Guy]

Initial Difficulties of Pakistan

From its very inception, Pakistan faced a large number of problems. Some of the initial difficulties were:

1. Choice of Capital and Establishment of Government

The first problem that Pakistan had to face was to choose a capital to form a Government and to establish a secretariat. Karachi was chosen as the capital of Pakistan. Quaid-e-Azam took the office of the Governor General, Liaquat Ali Khan was appointed as Prime Minister and a Cabinet of experienced persons was selected. Arrangements were to be made to bring the officials who had opted for Pakistan from Delhi to Karachi.

2. Unfair Boundry Distribution

A boundry commission was set up under a British Chairman, Sir Cyril Redcliff. He misused his powers and handed over Muslim majority areas like Gurdaspur, Ferozpur, Jullander to India hence providing them a gateway to Kashmir. Quaid-e-Azam called it:

“An unjust, incomprehensible and even perverse award.”

3. The Massacre of Muslim Refugees in India

On the birth of Pakistan, Hindus and Sikhs became more furious. In a planned move, Muslim properties were set on fire and they were compelled to leave Bharat for Pakistan with nothing but their lives. Millions of refugees were killed before they reached Pakistan. Many migrants were looted and had to be provided boarding immediately as they reached Pakistan.

4. Division of Military and Financial Assets

In order to embarrass Pakistan financially, india did a lot of dishonesty in the matters of Pakistan which were concerned with its benefits. Pakistan was promised to get Rs 750 million but the Bharat Government refused to give. Pakistan received only 200 million. Pakistan also did not receive the due share of the military assets. This dishonest attitude put Pakistan into great difficulties.

5. Canal Water Dispute

Most of the rivers flowing in Pakistan have their origin in India. In 1948, india stopped water supply to Pakistani canals to damage the Pakistani agriculture. However on 9th September, 1960 on agreement called “Indus Basin Treaty” was signed between the two countries.

6. Kashmir Dispute

Kashmir dispute is the most important and unsolved problem. Kashmir is the natural part of Pakistan because at the time of partition 85% of the Kashmir’s total population was Muslim. The Hindu Dogra rule, who was secretly with the Government of India, declared Kashmir as a part of India. Pakistan has continuously insisted that Kashmir must get their right of self determination but due to non-coperation of India, Kashmir issue still remain unsolved.

7. Constitutional Problem

The constituent assembly failed to frame a constitution even in eight years. Lack of a permanent constitution created chances of unscrupulous interference in democratic progress of Pakistan.

8. Annexation of Princely States

All Indian princely states were given the right to link up with either of dominions. However, the fate of following states remained undecided.

Junagadh

The Muslim Nawab governing Junagadh favoured in acceding to Pakistan. But Indian Government sent Army troops towards Junagadh and occupied the State by force in November, 1947.

Hyderabad Deccan

Hyderabad Deccan was the largest and richest state ruled by Muslim ruler Nizam who decided to remain independent. But pressure tactics began to be applied by Indian Government and Mount Batten. India attacked Hyderabad on 13th September 1948 and forcibly annexed this state to India.

9. Electricity Problem

Due to transfer of Muslim majority areas to Bharat and of unfair demarcation, electricity system of West Punjab was disrupted, because all power stations were at Mundi, a predominantly Muslim majority area, gifted to Bharat but Quaid-e-Azam said:

“If we are to exist as a nation, we will have to face the problems with determination and force.”

[Enigma]

WOW ZABERDAST KG
KUCH HAMEIN PATA THA KUCH APNE BATA DIYA
THNX 4 THE INFO : )

[Kool Guy]

TO BE CONTINUED........

( aap sab bhi share ker saktay hain )

[Kool Guy]

Originally Posted by Enigma

WOW ZABERDAST KG
KUCH HAMEIN PATA THA KUCH APNE BATA DIYA
THNX 4 THE INFO : )

Thankooooooooooo

[Enigma]

U R WELCOM JI:)

[AQN]

woohh! ...great job!

well Anas I guess aapki continuity break hojaey gee history ki agar abhi is hawaley sey koee aur member kuch post karey ga ...

but yea INSHALLAH when this year to year story will end and we will reach till date, tu hopefully I will do something.

after that even we can have a analysis n conclusion (discussion) that how our history got affected during all these span! .... and things like that ... theek hey na!

[Kool Guy]

Originally Posted by AQN

woohh! ...great job!

well Anas I guess aapki continuity break hojaey gee history ki agar abhi is hawaley sey koee aur member kuch post karey ga ...

but yea INSHALLAH when this year to year story will end and we will reach till date, tu hopefully I will do something.

after that even we can have a analysis n conclusion (discussion) that how our history got affected during all these span! .... and things like that ... theek hey na!

THankooo...
ahan sahi hai ...
but aap loog jab tak yeh end nahi hota.. beech beech may thora thoray facts share kersaktay hain XTRA SHOTS k name say ..

[Kool Guy]

XTRA SHOTS

1947

* June 3: British Government decides to bifurcates India, into two sovereign states – India and Pakistan.
* August 14: Pakistan comes into being as an independent sovereign State.
* August 18: Pakistan becomes member of UN by a unanimous vote of the Security Council.
* October 27: Indian Air troops land in Kashmir as the Maharaja declares accession of Kashmir to India.
* November 11: Dir and Chitral States accede to Pakistan.

1948

* February 25: Urdu is declared the national language of Pakistan.
* March 27: State of Kalat accedes to Pakistan.
* July 9: Pakistan's first postage stamp is issued.
* September 11: Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah passes away at Karachi.
* November 13: Khwaja Nazimuddin becomes Governor-General of Pakistan.

[AQN]

:) ok ... jo hukm